There's
little sign of the Arab Spring in Algeria. The ruling parties won the recent
election handily, with Islamists a distant third.
Isabelle
Werenfels cannot believe it. Not long ago, the researcher at the German
Institute for International and Security Affairs visited Algeria, and to her
horror realized that nothing had changed. "It just can't be true that the
Arab Spring has passed over a country without leaving a trace," she said
in an interview with Deutsche Welle.
Algeriahas
voted, and nothing has changed. As always, the National Liberation Front (FLN)
of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika was the clear winner. Bouteflika has been in
office since 1999. Together with the RND, the party of Prime Minister Ahmed
Ouyahia, the mildly conservative FLN earned a comfortable absolute majority in
parliament, which anyway is largely powerless. The Islamists ended up relegated
to third place.
Subtle
manipulation of election
The
opposition expected a much better result and is talking about election fraud.
The German peace and conflict researcher Werner Ruf agrees. Speaking to
Deutsche Welle, he said the high turnout in the sparsely populated south of the
country is suspicious. "There is no accurate monitoring there. There
probably was tampering."
Werenfels
also thinks fraud was possible. She observed irregularities in Algeria even
before the election: "If the FLM held a campaign event, then the entire
civil service was shut down and the employees were brought there." But for
opposition events, they had to stay at work. "There are subtle mechanisms;
it doesn't always have to be the fake ballot box."
No real
alternative in sight
But
Werenfels is convinced that this kind of manipulation would not have been
necessary. The trend remained the same even without electoral fraud.
"There has been a tremendous de-politicization. If you talk to people,
they say, 'We have no influence, they do what they want anyway.'"
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| Despite marked fingers, experts suspect electoral fraud in the south |
This is
supported by the overall low voter turnout. Of the 22 million eligible voters
in Algeria, only 10 million people cast their votes, because there was no real
alternative standing for election. The Islamist parties that ran in the
election had already previously made common cause with the regime, Ruf said.
"They already had ministerial posts, and have come to terms with the
corrupt system. That's why they could not channel the Islamist protest."
The trauma
of the civil war
The only
Islamic party with a chance of success could not compete: the Islamic Salvation
Front. This party was poised to win the 1991 elections. But then the army
intervened and civil war began, claiming the lives of 100,000-200,000
Algerians. This trauma is felt even today.
"The
Arab Spring is déjà vu for the Algerian people," Werenfels said. In the
late 1980s, there were youth unrest and uprisings in Algeria. The elite was
divided into reformers and reform opponents. The reformers won the day and
promised democracy and a new constitution. But the free elections ended in the
civil war between the military and Islamists.
The Arab
Spring bogeyman
The
government is now playing with this reemerging concern, Werenfels said.
"The Arab Spring was portrayed in Algerian media as a wave of
destabilization, with arms smuggling, violence, more terrorism and
bloodshed." Algerians therefore preferred stability, even when they
complained about many things. "Very little of the oil state's wealth comes
to benefit the population, the country is incredibly poorly managed, the
corruption is very high," she said. "But people have also learned
that it can be even worse."
Moreover,
in recent years President Bouteflika has learned how to make shrewd promises: a
revision of the constitution, residential construction projects. He also
removed the ban on many political parties, but they represented no real danger
for him because they just split the opposition further. Bouteflika ended the
19-year state of emergency and raised lots of wages, using the oil revenues of
the state. Werenfels describes this as him indirectly buying the people's
favor.
No
nationwide protests
![]() |
| Algeria's voters chose stability |
Opponents
of Bouteflika and the military government have also not understood how to
combine their protests, Ruf said. "There is a tremendous amount of
momentum at the local level. Hardly a day passes without strikes or road blockades,
but it is not possible to organize this on a countrywide basis." Werenfels
added: "The demonstrations were always very fragmented. They were always
individual occupational groups, none of which mixed with the others." And
so no real momentum was able to develop, she says.
Ruf says
this will not change, even if Bouteflika leaves office: "He is a mere
puppet. The military will conjure up an alternative out of a hat, because it
has the real power. Bouteflika and the parliament are only figureheads."
In the 50-year history of Algerian independence, all its presidents were
military men.
Pulling the
strings in the background
Ruf says it
is difficult to see exactly who pulls the strings. Werenfels also believes that
there are different power centers "that do not operate within the formal
political institutions." But she believes in the possibility of change, if
Bouteflika decides not to run in 2014. That's because the president has been
the face of stability over the past few years.
![]() |
| It is not known how much power Abdelaziz Bouteflika really has |
It is
difficult to attack the system, Werenfels said: "Algeria is very
conservative, and the FLN party has a strong wing supporting conservative
values, which is next to impossible to distinguish from the Islamist parties in
its socio-political vision." This is in marked contrast to Tunisia, the
country where the Arab Spring began, she said.
"Everything
has been turned around," Werenfels said: Algeria, which was long
considered to be unstable, is, ironically, now the anchor of stability in the
region.
Author: Klaus Jansen / sgb
Editor: Spencer Kimball




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