DeutscheWelle, 13 January 2014
Three years
after the overthrow of President Ben Ali, Tunisians are still waiting for their
new constitution. There have been quite a few empty promises since 2011, but
there is also some progress.
"It
was a central aim of the revolution not to let just a few benefit," Souail
Aidoudi says. "But that aim has not been honored."
Aidoudi, a
32-year-old unemployed academic, accuses Tunisia's post-revolution politicians
of incompetence. "There are too many people in Tunisia who are pushed
aside, who have no access to work, who don't participate in society and live in
great uncertainty," he says. He once was a student of management sciences,
but he's been unemployed for ten years, and now, he makes a living taking on
odd jobs as waiter, porter and kitchen help: "I can't afford to have a
family."
Democracy
is a prize
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| Souail Aidoudi is disappointed in the progress made so far |
Many young
Tunisians share Aidoudi's fate. They may have university degrees, but they
can't find a job. About 700,000 of the 11 million Tunisians are unemployed,
400,000 of them are graduates - a time bomb waiting to explode, says Salem
Ayari, head of an NGO for jobless academics: "There were plans for
employment programs, but they weren't implemented."
Tunisians
aren't just waiting for jobs. They are waiting for a new constitution, which
was promised for the third anniversary of the Ben Ali's ouster on January 14.
Tarek Sanaa is dismissive, like most of his fellow countrymen, he doesn't
believe in such promises. "The current elite following the revolution
regards democracy as their loot," the 60-year-old silversmith says.
"They use it like a tool to guard their own interests and to enrich
themselves."
Sanaa took
over a shop on Avenue de Bourguiba from his father. He regards himself as a
chronicler of the revolution that started right at his doorstep three years
ago. It's important that the young people see perspectives for the future, and
stay in the country, he says. "I've got my money on the generation of
young people between the ages of 20 and 30, who are growing up in an atmosphere
of freedom," he says and adds, this generation will promote the
revolution. "We need a revolution in the way we think."
Learning to
handle freedom
![]() |
| People must learn how to deal with their new liberties, says Amel Grani |
"Our
society must learn how to deal with this newly-won freedom," women's
rights activist Amir Grani agrees. "That's true for judges and teachers,
but also for journalists and artists."
The
democracy movement can, however, take credit for establishing the freedom of
the press. Today, Tunisia has more than 40 radio stations and as many
newspapers, offering a variety of opinions instead of state propaganda and
censorship. That's a direct result of the revolution, says Béchir Ouarda, who
coordinates an NGO for the protection of the freedom of the press (CCDLE).
![]() |
| Tunisians can choose from a wide array of media now |
But Ouarda
feels the freedom of the press is threatened; he says the government has
increasingly tried to manipulate the media since the Islamist Ennahda party
came to power.
"There
is a tendency to return to the methods of the Ben Ali dictatorship to influence
the media," Bechir Ouarda says. Staff is chosen accordingly: "People
close to those in power are given jobs at the head of the state media; at the
same time, new broadcasting stations emerge, broadcasting without a
license."
The
greatest threat to the budding media diversity is its lack of funding and
expertise. Many new radio and TV stations are unprofitable and depend on
financial aid from businesses. Most of all, they lack the means or the courage
to fulfill their actual duty, which is finding and researching topics which
those in power want to keep under wraps.
At the
mercy of the rulers
Tunisia's
journalists haven't yet found their feet as critical and independent reporters,
Ouarda says, adding that they avoid some important issues.
Salem Ayari
agrees the media should act as a control authority critical of Tunisia's
transformation. "Our media don't uncover inconsistencies," he says.
"They don't ask where the money goes and why the funds don't go to the
employment programs as planned - they have quickly become pawns of power in
Tunisia."




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