guardian.co.uk, Jack Shenker and Abdel-Rahman Hussein in Cairo, Monday 18 June 2012
![]() |
| Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood presidential candidate Mohamed Morsi celebrate after the announcement of his victory. Photograph: Julien Warnand/EPA |
The Muslim
Brotherhood has vowed to face down Egypt's ruling generals in a "life or
death" struggle over the country's political future, after declaring that
its candidate had won the presidential election and would refuse to accept the
junta's last-ditch attempts to engineer a constitutional coup.
As final
ballot results trickled in and unofficial tallies suggested that Mohamed Morsi
had secured approximately 52% of the popular vote, the Brotherhood deployed its
harshest language yet against the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (Scaf),
promising to bring millions of Egyptians back on to the streets if attempts to
rebuild the old regime continued.
"Over
the past 18 months we were very keen to avoid any clashes or confrontations
with other components of Egypt's political system because we felt that it would
have negative consequences for the democratic system and for society as a
whole," said Fatema AbouZeid, a senior policy researcher for the
Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice party and a media co-ordinator for the Morsi
campaign. "But now it's very clear that Scaf and other institutions of the
state are determined to stand in the way of what we're trying to achieve, and
we won't accept this any more. Egypt will not go back to the old regime through
any means, legal or illegal.
"If we
find that Scaf stands firm against us as we try to fulfil the demands of the
revolution, we will go back to the streets and escalate things peacefully to
the highest possible stage," she said. "Now we have a new factor in
Egyptian politics, the Egyptian people themselves, who will not accept a return
to the old regime in any form, not after so much Egyptian blood was shed to
remove it.
"The
revolution is facing a life or death moment and the Egyptian people have put
their faith in Dr Morsi to represent them at this time."
On Monday
the parliamentary speaker, Saad el-Katatni, a Brotherhood veteran, said he did
not recognise last week's decision by Mubarak-era judges in Egypt's supreme
constitutional court to dissolve the legislature, a move widely viewed as
highly politicised and designed to bolster the generals. Katatni said MPs
planned to attend parliament – which was surrounded by armed soldiers – as
usual on Tuesday or convene in nearby Tahrir Square, setting the stage for a
showdown between the generals who have held sway for six decades and the
long-outlawed Islamist movement now on the brink of political control.
An
11th-hour constitutional declaration issued unilaterally by Scaf awarded the
generals sweeping powers including the right to put forward legislation and an
effective veto over clauses in the new constitution, and formalised the army's
ability to detain civilians and sweep out of barracks at moments of
"internal unrest".
Political
analysts described the move as a constitutional obscenity and said it left the
three major institutions of the post-Mubarak Egyptian state – the presidency
(now curtailed), the parliament (now dissolved) and the constitutional assembly
(now floundering in legal uncertainty) – all under the full or partial
influence of the armed forces.
"Military
encroachment on civilian authority has been a pretty constant process over the
past year and a half but this really embeds it," said Heba Morayef, of
Human Rights Watch. "In the past 18 months we've already seen the military
literally get away with murder. The military's involvement in civilian law
enforcement without the oversight of the civilian judiciary, as outlined in
this declaration, is a recipe for abuse and impunity, and it sends a terrifying
signal about what measures may be in the works when it comes to dealing with
future protests against military rule."
At a press
conference on Monday Scaf generals insisted their motives had been
misinterpreted, and repeated their commitment to handing over executive
authority to the new president by the end of the month – a handover that many
Egyptians now view as largely meaningless.
With 99% of
the presidential ballot papers tabulated, the Brotherhood claimed Morsi had
garnered 13.2m votes, against 12.3m for his rival, Ahmed Shafiq, who served as
Hosni Mubarak's final prime minister. In an early morning address to the
nation, Morsi promised to stand for the whole of a deeply fractured country,
not just the portion of it that voted for him. "I will be serving all
Egyptians," he declared, "and standing at an equal distance from all
of them."
Chants of
"God is great" and "down with military rule" rang out and
supporters spilled out into the streets to celebrate. Their headquarters sit
across the road from the interior ministry, which once housed many Brotherhood
members behind its high walls. Shafiq's team dismissed the Brotherhood's
celebrations as premature and said their own tallies suggested that a win for
their candidate was "beyond all doubt". Initial results contain a
margin of error of about two percentage points and both sides can launch
appeals against the conduct of the vote before official results are announced
on Thursday. But by Monday evening it seemed increasingly likely that Morsi had
done enough to become the first democratically elected president in Egypt's
history.
Revolutionaries
expressed optimism that that the twists and turns of the past week would
reanimate the struggle for change. "I'm not pessimistic at all," said
Salma Said, a 26-year-old campaigner with the alternative media collective
Mosireen. "I think the fight is going to be tougher, just like any game
gets harder in the later levels, but what the revolutionaries really need to do
now is unite.
"People
are already making lists of urgent demands to put to the new president and
which must be met within the next few months. Now we can stop being distracted
by elections and get back to work on what's really needed: releasing military
prisoners, retrying those convicted in military courts, implementing a minimum
and maximum wage, and so on."
Said said
the Brotherhood had consistently weakened the revolutionary front but a Morsi
victory was preferable to a Shafiq one because it opened up new political space
and allowed revolutionaries to move beyond rallies in Tahrir Square and engage
with Egyptians in bigger and more creative ways.

No comments:
Post a Comment
Note: Only a member of this blog may post a comment.